Patriot Act
Patriot Act, anticrime and antiterrorist
legislation enacted soon after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the
World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia.
The law was approved overwhelmingly by both chambers of Congress, the Senate
and the House of Representatives, and signed into law by President George W.
Bush on October 26, 2001.
The law was designed both
as a political response to the attacks, which horrified the nation, and as a
way of strengthening the powers of police agencies and prosecutors in hopes of
preventing future attacks. The law’s name derived from the titles given to
separate bills introduced in the House and Senate. The Senate bill was first
known as the Uniting and Strengthening America Act of 2001, or the U.S.A. Act,
while the House bill was named the Provide Appropriate Tools Required to
Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act, or Patriot Act. When members of the
Senate and House met to produce a compromise bill that was sent to President
Bush, the bill became the USA-Patriot Act. After a time, however, people began
referring to the law just as the Patriot Act.
The legislation passed in the
House of Representatives by a vote of 357 to 66. In the Senate only one
senator, Democrat Russell Feingold of Wisconsin, voted against it. The
dissenting members of Congress and many more people outside the government said
the law gave the government too much power to spy on ordinary Americans. Of
particular concern, according to these critics, were provisions that allow
searches of private records without having to demonstrate to a judge the
likelihood that a crime has been committed.
The quick passage of the
Patriot Act was a result of the shock and anger produced by the September 11
attacks. Intelligence agencies quickly established that the hijackings of four
airplanes on the day of the attacks were carried out by members of the al-Qaeda
terrorist network. All of the 19 Arab hijackers were citizens of Middle Eastern
countries and were living in the United States on immigrant visas. Intelligence
agencies quickly determined that some of the hijackers had been living in the
United States for some time. Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden orchestrated the
attacks, which were paid for by a variety of methods that involved funneling
money into the United States, often through groups that claimed to be charities
aiding Islamic causes. The Patriot Act was, in part, an attempt to address the
problem of monitoring suspected foreign terrorists living within the United
States and to close off their methods of raising money.
There was little debate in
Congress and even less dissent as the lawmakers had only a brief period to
digest and consider carefully the 342-page Patriot Act. The Bush administration
helped write the legislation, arguing for measures that it felt were needed to
prevent future attacks, and Congress was willing to give the administration
what it requested.
Because many in Congress
were wary of the new provisions and the new powers given to government
investigators, many of the Patriot Act’s most controversial provisions were due
to “sunset” or expire on December 31, 2005. The sunset clauses were included in
the legislation in order to win the support of those lawmakers who worried that
the bill was going too far. The sunset provisions meant that Congress was
forced to consider how the law had worked before it could continue beyond
December 2005.
In March 2006 Congress
amended some of the sunset provisions and made 14 of the law’s 16 major
provisions permanent. The 89-10 vote in the Senate and the 280-138 vote in the
House represented a major political victory for the Bush administration, which
campaigned vigorously to make the law permanent and resisted significant
changes to its provisions.
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PROVISIONS OF THE PATRIOT ACT
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The provisions of the
Patriot Act include sections on electronic communications, foreign intelligence
gathering, money laundering, private records, immigration, and material aid to
terrorists.
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Electronic Communications
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The Patriot Act expands
the government’s ability to eavesdrop on or to monitor electronic
communications, such as telephone calls and e-mail. For the first time the
government formally obtained the right to monitor e-mail communications. The
Patriot Act also made it easier for law enforcement authorities to listen to a
suspect who was using multiple phones by authorizing “roving” wiretaps. Once
authorities get a warrant (permission from a judge), it can be used for any
telephone or cell phone or computer the suspect uses. Previously, officials
needed separate authorization for each and every telephone. The provision that
allowed for roving wiretaps was one of two sunset provisions that were not made
permanent when Congress renewed the Patriot Act in 2006. Instead, this
provision was extended for four years.
To obtain a warrant to
eavesdrop on electronic communications, some parts of the law, such as section
215, require the government to go before a judge. Only the judge has the power
to decide if there is sufficient reason to violate someone’s privacy. However,
if law enforcement officials stipulate that the investigation involves
terrorism, under section 215 the judge has no discretion to refuse the
government’s request, a situation that is sometimes known as having a judge
“rubber stamp” the request.
Still other parts of the
law, such as section 505, call for no judicial oversight and allow the
executive branch of the government to decide what is necessary and legal. For
example, as a result of the Patriot Act, law enforcement and intelligence
agency officials no longer have to seek authority from a judge to use either a
“pen register” or a “trap and trace” device on telephones used by an alleged
terrorist suspect.
These devices are forms of
caller ID. Pen registers tell officials the numbers dialed from a suspect’s
telephone; trap and trace devices monitor and record all the incoming numbers.
Neither device enables authorities to listen in on the content of the
conversations. They only provide the incoming and outgoing numbers. To listen
in on the content of a conversation, the government has to obtain the approval
of a judge and make a showing of probable cause—that is, a showing that a crime
has likely been committed.
The Patriot Act also makes
the same standards used for intercepting telephone calls and conversations
applicable to the Internet. Prior to the Patriot Act, it was unclear whether
the laws governing eavesdropping and monitoring of telephone communications
also covered communications over the Internet, such as e-mail. To eavesdrop on
the content of e-mail exchanges, the government has to go before a judge with a
showing of probable cause that a crime was being committed. However, to simply
monitor the sending and receiving of e-mail, no judicial review or showing of
probable cause is required. In such cases the government can monitor only the
To: and From: addresses, but not the content of the text messages. Government
attorneys have indicated that even the Subject line of an e-mail communication
is considered content and may not be used.
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Foreign Intelligence Gathering Within
the United States
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The Patriot Act lowers the
standards that the government is required to follow to gather intelligence on
the activities of foreigners or of foreign governments within the United
States. The Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution prohibits unreasonable
searches and upholds the right of people to be secure in their homes. This
constitutional guarantee made it difficult to listen in on telephone
conversations in the United States, even those involving people representing or
associated with foreign governments.
Prior to the Patriot Act,
the only law that enabled intelligence agencies to listen in on electronic
conversations involving foreign government activity in the United States was
the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). Before FISA existed, the
only way to get a wiretap on someone’s telephone was to present a judge with
evidence that a crime was probably being committed. That probable cause
standard was inadequate for a situation in which government investigators
needed information about the activities of a foreign government in the United
States, but did not necessarily want to use that information for criminal
prosecution.
Under FISA, government
investigators could go to a special court composed of a few select judges and
obtain authorization to wiretap phones provided they could tell the court that
it was for an investigation principally concerned with foreign intelligence
matters such as espionage. Under the Patriot Act, the standards for going to
the special court were lowered. Foreign intelligence had only to be a
“significant” part of the investigation, not the principal part. So if
investigators were pursuing a terrorist suspect who had only a connection to
foreign intelligence, they could still obtain a warrant to eavesdrop on the
suspect. Following passage of the Patriot Act, the number of FISA warrants
granted by the court climbed from about 1,000 in 2000, prior to passage, to
more than 1,700 in 2003. In 2005 the FISA Court approved 2,072 warrants out of
2,074 requests for warrants.
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Money Laundering
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The Patriot Act reinforces
many of the tools used to prevent the easy flow of money for terrorists,
especially by requiring that any movement of large sums of money be reported to
the Department of the Treasury. The law requires banks and other institutions
to maintain anti-money laundering programs. Money laundering is the way
criminals or terrorists are able to move money without detection to help them
commit their crimes. Government officials fight the ability of criminals or
terrorists to launder money by several means, including seizing the money if it
is discovered. The Patriot Act strengthened the ability to detect money
laundering by requiring banks and other financial institutions to have special
employees assigned to monitor the flow of large sums of money.
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Private Records
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The Patriot Act has two
sections—section 215 and section 505—that make it easier for the government to
obtain a person’s medical, library, financial, student, or mental health
records. Law enforcement officials contend that in tracking shadowy figures and
their contacts, they benefit from a greater amount of information. Medical
records, for example, may be especially useful in identifying individuals who
use different identities and aliases. But civil liberties advocates in Congress
and elsewhere argue that obtaining such records opens the door to abusing the
privacy of law-abiding citizens.
Section 215 attracted much
attention among civil liberties advocates because it modifies the rules on
record searches if the government says the searches are related in any way to
fighting terrorism. Before the Patriot Act, a government investigator had to go
to a federal judge and seek a warrant to obtain such records. The investigator
had to convince a judge there was probable cause that a crime had been
committed. Under the Patriot Act, however, an official can simply go to the
FISA Court (the court created by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act) and
say that the search involves protecting the country against terrorism. There is
no need to present evidence or to make a case for probable cause.
In addition, such searches
are conducted secretly—that is, without the subject of the search being made
aware that his or her records were obtained by government officials. Before the
Patriot Act, any search warrants from a court to combat crime would require
notifying the person who is the subject of the search. Even when there was an
allegation that terrorism was involved and the FISA Court was used, the
government would have had to make a showing that the subject was linked to
foreign intelligence. To ensure that the searches were secret, the holders of
the records being searched were prohibited from revealing that a search was
conducted under the original Patriot Act. Under the revised Patriot Act that
passed Congress in March 2006, this provision was altered slightly. Recipients
of subpoenas for record searches would have the right to consult with a lawyer
to challenge the request in court.
Section 215 was one of
two sunset provisions in the Patriot Act that were not made permanent. Instead,
it was extended for four years but it was amended so that subpoena recipients
could challenge their subpoena in court.
Another section of the
Patriot Act, section 505, gives the government an even more powerful tool to
obtain records that most people think are private. For example, most people
think that their library and medical records are private, but because these
records are actually held by third parties, the records do not belong to them
and are not considered their private property. Section 505 authorizes the U.S.
attorney general, as the head of the Justice Department, to issue “national
security letters,” which function like subpoenas, only they do not require a
judge’s approval or a showing of probable cause. These letters may be used to
force people who hold records about citizens, such as librarians and
physicians, to turn the records over to the Justice Department. Unlike section
215, even a rubber-stamp court order is not required to issue one of these
national security letters.
Under the original Patriot
Act, once a national security letter was issued, the holder of the record was
gagged and could not divulge that the record was turned over to the government.
The person whose records were seized would never know that the search took
place unless the government eventually prosecuted that person. Moreover, the
government can obtain private records even of persons who are not themselves
suspected of a crime but are simply associated with someone who is under
suspicion. And the attorney general can delegate the authority to issue
national security letters to other officials, such as the head of a Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) field office. Under the revised Patriot Act of
2006, the recipient of a national security letter can challenge the
nondisclosure requirement but only one year after receiving the national
security letter. Recipients are not required to disclose the names of any
attorneys they consulted, but they are required to tell the FBI if they
consulted anyone other than legal counsel.
Under the revised Patriot
Act, public, academic, and research libraries are exempted from section 505 and
may not be subject to national security letters. Libraries may, however, be
subject to warrants issued by the FISA Court.
In March 2006, when Congress
renewed the Patriot Act, most accounts indicated that the FBI had issued about
30,000 national security letters annually since the law was originally enacted.
The FBI used national security letters to obtain information about these
citizens and residents from their banks and from companies that provided them
with credit card, telephone, and Internet services. National security letters
do not require a judge’s approval or a grand jury subpoena.
However, in March 2007 a
report by the inspector general of the U.S. Justice Department revealed that
the FBI had underreported the number of national security letters it had
issued. The report also found that in many instances FBI agents had used such
letters improperly and illegally. The inspector general found 48 violations of
the law or of presidential directives during a two-year period from 2003 to
2005, based on an audit of only four of the FBI’s 56 field offices. FBI
director Robert S. Mueller III conceded that the inspector general’s audit was
accurate but said the underreporting and instances of illegal and improper use
was a result of errors in judgment rather than criminal intent. He also blamed
deficiencies in FBI databases and record-keeping. The inspector general’s 2007
report revised the number of national security letters that had been issued
over a three-year period. According to the report, the actual number was 39,000
in 2003, 56,000 in 2004, and 47,000 in 2005. The report found that the FBI had
underreported these numbers by 20 percent.
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Immigration
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The Patriot Act contains a
number of provisions designed to prevent terrorists from entering the United
States and to enable the government to deport suspected terrorists and their
supporters. The law increased funding for the Immigration and Naturalization
Service (INS) and the Customs Service in states along the U.S. border with
Canada. It clarified or expanded the definition of terrorist group or terrorist
activity in order to prevent foreigners associated with terrorist groups from
entering the United States. For example, section 411 gives the government the
right to deny admission to the country to representatives of political or
social groups that have publicly endorsed terrorist activities.
Section 412 enables the
attorney general to detain foreign terrorist suspects for up to seven days
while certifying that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the suspect is
a danger. Within seven days, the attorney general must initiate proceedings to
deport, prosecute, or release the suspect. If the suspect is held in detention,
the attorney general must confirm every six months that the suspect remains a
threat.
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Material Aid to Terrorists
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Prior to the Patriot Act,
U.S. law made it a criminal act to provide material support to an individual or
organization that committed terrorist acts. The Patriot Act expanded on the
definition of material support with section 805, which includes “expert advice
or assistance” as a form of material support. The provision is controversial
because the phrase is vague and therefore could infringe on the right of free
speech.
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THE DEBATE OVER THE PATRIOT ACT
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The Patriot Act has become
controversial for many reasons. Opponents of the act say that it infringes on
the Constitution’s Bill of Rights and has led to unwarranted and abusive
detentions of immigrants. Supporters of the law say it has improved the ability
of law enforcement to discover and monitor possible terrorist activity.
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Impact on Civil Rights and Civil
Liberties
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The principal underlying theme
of the debate over the Patriot Act involves whether its provisions are really
going to help fight terrorism. Many critics of the Patriot Act believe law
enforcement officials are simply using the September 11 attacks as a pretext to
obtain the kinds of expanded powers they have sought for years. These critics
note that federal prosecutors and agencies such as the FBI had sought many of
the Patriot Act’s features for years. Passage of the bill was simply giving
them what had long been on their “wish list.” Supporters of the Patriot Act
counter that the September 11 attacks highlighted the deficiencies of existing
laws, deficiencies that were overcome by passage of the Patriot Act.
The most vocal critics of
the Patriot Act came from two camps. One was the civil liberties community,
composed of groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which is
devoted to monitoring whether the government is overreaching or infringing on
basic civil rights and civil liberties. A bit more surprisingly, some of the
opposition to the Patriot Act came from some conservative Republicans, who were
also wary of too much government power. Conservatives may sometimes be divided
into two groups, those who generally favor the government’s ability to crack
down on crime, called authoritarian conservatives, and a smaller branch
composed of people who favor limited government, called libertarians.
When President Bush and his
White House aides promoted support for the Patriot Act, they found unexpected
opposition from some fellow Republicans such as Representative F. James
Sensenbrenner of Wisconsin, who was the chairman of the House Judiciary
Committee. Sensenbrenner complained that the bill that was to become the
Patriot Act contained too many exceptions to the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition
on unreasonable searches of ordinary citizens. In particular, critics like
Sensenbrenner and the ACLU pointed out that the Patriot Act expanded the
government’s ability to investigate citizens by eliminating in many cases the precaution
of having a judge review the action beforehand.
The ACLU emphasized that
“common law,” which is the set of centuries-old principles underlying Western
democracy, recognized that government may not invade a person’s property
without telling the person. That is known as the “knock-and-search” principle.
But under section 213 the Patriot Act authorized what have been called
“sneak-and-peek” warrants in which a judge may allow investigators to enter a
house or apartment, search it, take photos, and copy or download computer
documents, among other actions, all without telling the occupant beforehand.
Such sneak-and-peak warrants had been authorized under FISA but only in cases
involving a foreign power or its agents. The government must eventually notify
the occupant that a search was conducted, although the government can
indefinitely request a delay in notification for good cause.
The ACLU maintains that the
Patriot Act threatens the 1st, 4th, 5th, 6th, 8th, and 14th amendments to the
Constitution. It claims that the act allows the FBI to investigate American
citizens for criminal activity without probable cause and by simply saying that
it is for “intelligence purposes.”
Other organizations, such as the
American Library Association (ALA) and the Electronic Privacy Information
Center, have stated their opposition to provisions of the Patriot Act. And more
than 240 communities, including such major cities as Los Angeles and New York,
have also passed resolutions opposing portions of the Patriot Act.
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Impact on Immigrants
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The ACLU and other civil
liberties groups argue that the Patriot Act contains a number of provisions
that violate the civil liberties of immigrants. They argue that under section
412 noncitizens could be jailed merely on suspicion of wrongdoing or for
engaging in free speech, detained indefinitely in six-month increments,
deported, and denied readmission to the United States. Under section 411, these
critics say, an alien resident who unknowingly associated with a terrorist
could be deported. Moreover, opponents of the Patriot Act say, the law allows
the government to deport foreign residents associated with an organization
deemed “terrorist” by the U.S. secretary of state or attorney general. These
critics note that the African National Congress, now the governing party in
South Africa, was at one time labeled a “terrorist organization” by the U.S.
State Department.
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Effectiveness in Fighting Terrorism
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The Patriot Act’s supporters
argue that it has helped fight and suppress terrorist acts. Its opponents say
it has not. It is difficult if not impossible to determine the truth of either
position with any accuracy.
The government claims that many
planned acts have been averted because of the information gained through the
Patriot Act and also because authorities were able to detain many suspicious
people who might have committed terrorist acts. But proving that something would
have happened is hard to demonstrate or verify.
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Court Rulings Regarding the Patriot Act
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A number of legal challenges
to various provisions of the Patriot Act are making their way through the
judicial system, but none of these challenges have yet reached the Supreme
Court of the United States. In January 2004 a federal district court judge in
Los Angeles issued the first ruling striking down a provision of the Patriot
Act. The provision regarded providing “expert advice or assistance” to alleged
terrorist organizations. The judge found it unconstitutionally vague because it
failed to distinguish between providing advice or assistance for lawful or
peaceful activities and providing advice or assistance for illegal or criminal
activities such as terrorism.
The case involved the
Humanitarian Law Project, which had given advice to the Kurdish Workers Party,
an organization that seeks self-determination for Kurds in Turkey, about how to
present their grievances to the United Nations (UN). Because the U.S. State
Department had labeled the party a terrorist organization, the law project
stopped offering its advice for fear of prosecution. The Justice Department
indicated that it would appeal the ruling.
In September 2004 a federal
district court judge in the southern district of New York found that a
provision in a law amended by the Patriot Act violated the Fourth Amendment to
the Constitution by allowing searches without judicial review and violated the
First Amendment right to free speech by prohibiting anyone from speaking about
the searches. The ruling struck down a section of the 1986 Electronic
Communications Privacy Act, which gave the FBI the power to issue national
security letters (subpoenas) under conditions of strict secrecy. As originally
written the law could be used only against persons suspected of espionage and
only if the government believed that the suspects were foreign agents. It was
amended in 1993 to relax the requirement that the target of the letter be
suspected of being a foreign agent. The Patriot Act removed this requirement
entirely and further amended the law so that national security letters could be
issued to Internet service providers to obtain information about their
customers. After the federal court struck down the entire provision, the
Justice Department appealed the ruling.
A number of other cases
also sought to test the constitutionality of the Patriot Act. For example, the
ACLU filed suit in Detroit, Michigan, to challenge the provision allowing the
government to search library records. The courts, however, have upheld some
sections of the Patriot Act, such as the right of the government to freeze the
assets of an organization or entity that has been labeled a terrorist
organization and to use secret evidence in defending that decision. Muslim
charities that have had their assets frozen have challenged these provisions of
the Patriot Act, but the courts have rejected those challenges.
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Renewing the Patriot Act
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As the sunset provisions of
the original Patriot Act were set to expire in December 2005, Congress wrangled
with various proposed amendments raised by critics of the law. The same month
the New York Times disclosed that the Bush administration had authorized
a secret program by the National Security Agency (NSA) to monitor the overseas
electronic communications of U.S. citizens and foreign nationals residing in
the United States without seeking the approval of the FISA Court. In effect,
the judicial review provisions built into the Patriot Act and the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act were nullified by the secret program. See also
Surveillance, Electronic.
The disclosure added to the
firestorm of controversy over renewing many of the sunset provisions. Unable to
agree on how to amend the law, Congress granted two short-term extensions while
it continued to debate. In March 2006 a revised law that made permanent 14 of
the 16 sunset provisions passed both houses and was signed by President Bush.
Senator Russell Feingold, who was the sole opponent of the law when the Senate
first approved it in 2001, was able to persuade only eight other Democrats and
one independent to join him in voting against the amended law. In the House,
the vote was somewhat closer with 138 voting against, as compared with 66 in
2001.
The revised law added some
measures intended to reassure those concerned about the loss of civil
liberties. It gave recipients of FISA Court warrants in terrorist
investigations the right to consult with a lawyer to challenge the warrant request
in court. It also gave recipients of national security letters the right to
challenge the nondisclosure requirement, but only one year after receiving the
national security letter. In the meantime recipients are still compelled to
obey the subpoena. The revised Patriot Act clarified that public, academic, and
research libraries are not subject to national security letters, although they
may still be subject to warrants issued by the FISA Court. Critics called these
changes “cosmetic.” Defenders of the law argued that not a single case of abuse
had been documented since the Patriot Act was enacted. Critics responded that
with a veil of secrecy around many of its provisions, it was impossible to know
if abuses were occurring.
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